Evidence Part TWO
'My Work' tab is evidence of a history of apartheid and torture. Evidence Part TWO supports my claim against Elon Musk.
My Current Pregnancy Ultrasound
This ultrasound was taken at Leichhardt Imaging center, Quantum Radiology, November 12th 2025.
Already my pregnancy has been subjected to threats, including denial of its existence.
The frame to the left is the complete ultrasound.
The right frame is a close up of a single frame; third image in row 3. It is my favourite of all the imaging shots of my baby. Precisely because I can see my African phenotype represented in baby's lips, who are very much like mine and my deceased brothers. The 1st row, 4th image clearly displays eye lens peering directly forward. This reminds me of Elon, who is well known for his intense stare.
In the 3rd column, 4th row, is a cranial measurement (I think). Though none of this was ever explained to me.
I was led to believe there was no pregnancy. I am horrified by this, and live in perpetual distress and despair fearing for my baby's wellbeing.To this day I have received no dialogue correspondence from Elon Musk concerning our pregnancy.
Medical Malice and the province of baby farming. Torture and reproductive slavery.
The following images are screen shots of correspondence between myself and Quantum imaging after my initial complaint about the radiologist who told me there was no foetus in the imaging. A Robert Bartlett, who proclaimed to be the regional manager, maintained his position, stating that he had sought a third party confirmation of the result. This was done without my written consent. His allegations were slanderous and false- threatening the life of my child and my reproductive health and rights. At forty-eight years old, I am 4-5 times more likely to suffer miscarriage or still birth.
Access to medical practitioners are funded under the state's Medicare program in Australia. Over the twenty-seven years that expands my reproductive life, the state have consistently played a role in denying my pregnancies and participating in forced termination.
I fear going to doctors after this act of terrorism resembling so much of my prior experiences of torture.
Experience's of Black Women During Apartheid: The Litmus Test.
In many ways my experiences mirror those of South African Women during apartheid. Denial of pregnancies is well documented to have resulted in still births, and miscarriages.
The State's participation is cruel and unyielding. I have not received any prenatal care during my pregnancy to Elon Musk. The baby and I are political prisoners at the hands of a State who deny our existence.We are unable to obtain confirmation or pregnancy under the current circumstances.
.The crisis of Black Women during apartheid highlighted inadequate access to healthcare during pregnancy. Infant mortality rates soared, stemming from poor medical facilities, substandard treatment compared to white women, discrimination and unsafe living conditions. Many women endured long waits while seeking access to healthcare.
Forced pregnancy as well as sterilisation reveal the absence of agency.
ELON MUSK:
A TECHNOLOGICAL GIANT WITH APARTHEID ROOTS.
WHY NO RESPONSE?
5 POINTS OF TELECOMMUNICATIONS APARTHEID IN SOUTH AFRICA:
1. Prioritization of Infrastructure Investment in White Areas: Apartheid policies systematically directed state funding and development of telecommunications infrastructure, such as fixed-line telephone networks, toward urban white suburbs and centers. This resulted in teledensity rates exceeding 40 lines per 100 people in these areas, while black townships and rural regions faced rates below 5%, with intentional underinvestment creating long waiting lists and shortages. This disparity was not merely economic but enforced through racial zoning laws that confined black populations to underdeveloped zones.
2. Segregation in Electrification as a Prerequisite for Connectivity: The regime enforced racial segregation in basic infrastructure like electricity grids, achieving over 90% electrification in white households by the early 1990s, which was essential for powering telephones and early computing devices. In contrast, black rural and township areas had electrification rates below 20%, forcing reliance on alternatives like paraffin and effectively barring widespread telecommunications access. This was systematically implemented through apartheid’s Group Areas Act, which designated land and resources along racial lines.
3. Restrictions on Technical Education and Skills Development: Under the Bantu Education Act of 1953, the government deliberately limited technical and STEM training for black South Africans to focus on manual labor, preventing the development of computer literacy or telecommunications expertise in non-white communities. By 1990, overall computer literacy was under 1% nationwide, predominantly among whites, with advanced technologies confined to elite white institutions. This policy systematically reproduced racial hierarchies by denying black populations the human capital needed for technological engagement.
4. Limited and Controlled Rollout of Early Digital Technologies: Precursors to modern telecommunications, such as fixed-line networks and early internet systems (e.g., UUCP networks introduced in 1988 and full TCP/IP in 1991), were strategically rolled out only in white-dominated academic and business sectors. State control ensured these technologies did not extend to black areas, maintaining exclusionary access and using them to bolster regime interests like military applications. This was systematic through the Department of Posts and Telecommunications’ racially biased allocation practices.
5. Neglect of Bantustans Under “Separate Development” Doctrine: Apartheid’s ideology of “separate development” justified the creation of pseudo-independent black homelands (Bantustans), where over 80% of the black population was relegated, with virtually no investment in modern telecommunications infrastructure. Phone lines and digital precursors were absent, isolating these regions and perpetuating economic and informational disparities. This was enforced through laws like the Promotion of Bantu Self-Government Act, systematically treating black areas as peripheral to national development.
My fathers experience of slavery in Australia: The province of baby farming.
We all come with histories. Elon Musk has a history of Apartheid in Sth Africa, as the dominant group who surrendered to white flight post apartheid, shaping his current success and tribulations.
Here I have added my fathers documents from a settlement with the Australian NSW government. Included is part of his affidavit, and some of the documents his legal team used as evidence during the legal settlement. Its important to acknowledge that my father is both African American and Aboriginal Australian. His experience of slavery has a pathology to it as much as his experience as Aboriginal. There is also a history of child sex trafficking by officials among his evidence I have chosen not to display, however this illuminates the unfettered predatory nature of his forced labour. and absolute control of his body by the state. His family have a near unbroken legacy of slavery as normative since the transAtlantic slave trade. In fact my family experience as victims and survivors of breaches of the Rome Statute is trans-generational, transnational, intersectional and multifaceted. I learned much of this after his death in 2016.
I ask these factors are considered in my apartheid, reproductive slavery and torture complaint, and further, to recognise human-trafficking of children in my immediate family. My testament in this complaint also highlights a lack of adequate safeguards even though the State acknowledged human rights breaches such as slavery, and that the state kidnapped children under false pretence.
My father's evidentiary statement confirming his case against the Australian State of NSW is here:
Evidence can be sited here:
Foetal termination by force 2024, AI and X
In 2024 I lost a baby I very much wanted. I named the baby Voodeaux. I knew I was pregnant. It was obvious to me. The man I was in a relationship over six years was also American- African American. He was also in part the reason I began being frequented by Elon Musk.
Pictured to the top of right of the page is the ultrasound of the baby I was pregnant with in 2024. You till see my name on the top left of the imaging.
The second imaging is by Microsoft Copilot. It is an assessment of the ultrasound provided.
The final image bottom right of the page is a copy of the complaint response from the RPA Hospital in Camperdown Sydney. They deny any pregnancy ever existed. Or evidence of any miscarriage or forced termination.
I was never assessed by a gynaecological team.
I have doppler recordings of my baby Voodeaux's heartbeat.
A similar assessment was done by X's Grok. It also confirmed pregnancy in the ultrasound and in fact was the initial place where I learned the 2024 ultrasound did show a foetus.
This exposes reproductive slavery in Australia, combined with medical malice and high level corruption.
I began a number of correspondences with X.com regarding grok affirming the foetus and was ignored and denied any response whatsoever.
I will share these correspondences in pictures beneath this section and as, in part, the subject of my complaint on reproductive slavery, and cruel, inhumane and degrading treatment.
As far as my cognitive understanding of events, I tell people this: I was pregnant. And then I wasn't. Nothing said to me has filled the gap of my understanding. The evidence makes clear my statement, and it is my hope legal experts by weight of probability can explain just what happened, and illuminate the path to justice.
Correspondences with X.com re: Grok's Imaging (2024) assessment.
Please see pictures (snapshots) as evidence of attempted contact with X.com for clarification to pursue legal on reproductive rights.
